Mandating Late-Term Abortion Training for OB/GYNs?
A few months ago, I wrote about the movement to apply a pro-choice litmus test to OB/GYN residency applicants. The theory is that there aren’t enough doctors willing to perform abortions because Americans are too tolerant of conscientious objection in the medical field. Conscience protections ought to be thrown out the window to make way for practitioners who are more accommodating of women seeking to terminate their pregnancies.
This week, following the assassination of late-term abortion provider Dr. George Tiller, comes the disturbing suggestion from Hilzoy (via Megan McArdle) that we “[r]equire training in late-term abortion techniques for Ob/Gyn certification.” The idea is to mitigate the risk of violent action against late-term abortion doctors by increasing their numbers, “ensuring that no one person has to take on him- or herself the risks that militant anti-abortionists want to subject them to.”
Hey, while we’re at it, why not launch an Inquisition to purge pro-life doctors from the medical profession?
It’s essential that we continue to train doctors who identify as pro-life, as well as those who are passionately pro-choice. Here’s what I wrote in my original piece on the subject:
A woman should be able to choose a doctor whose moral compass points in the same direction as hers. Families should know that their doctor shares their values and will remain faithful to them, especially in a life or death situation. Revoking conscience protections would revoke patient choice, a violation that would offend more pro-choice liberals if they were, at the very least, concerned with being consistent.
Most liberal feminists would balk at receiving gynecological care from a dedicated pro-lifer. Shouldn’t pro-life women be able to choose a doctor who doesn’t engage in professional practices they find morally objectionable?
There is, without a doubt, a demand for abortion providers in America. There is also a demand for doctors whose work is informed by a pro-life perspective on abortion, contraception, sterilization, and end-of-life decisions. It is not the government’s role to decide that one of these categories of professionals should be phased out because it is less valuable than the other.
When did it become acceptable to ask the government to facilitate the subordination of a pro-life patient’s dignity to a pro-choice patient’s dignity?
Mandating that OB/GYNs be able to provide late-term abortions would be a frightening assault on patient choice and dignity. It’s doubtful that it would save the lives of abortion doctors, but it would most certainly leave millions of pro-life women (and the many pro-choice women who find late-term abortions appalling) without access to medical care that meets their psychological and moral needs.
Choice For Me, But Not For Thee
Health care provider conscience laws began to appear on the federal books shortly after the United States Supreme Court decided Roe v Wade in 1973. These statutory provisions protect health care professionals from discrimination if they refuse to participate in abortion and sterilization services on the basis of religious or moral objections.
In 2008, the Bush administration issued a rule strengthening the requirements for compliance with the conscience protections set forth in the Public Health Service Act, the Church Amendments, and the Weldon Amendment. Widely criticized as a nose-thumbing anti-abortion swan song for President Bush, the eleventh hour ruling was actually in the works for most of 2008.
Mike Leavitt, Secretary of Health and Human Services at the time, pushed for the regulation in response to a move by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) and the American Board of Obstetrics and Gynecology (ABOG) to require pro-life physicians to provide abortion referrals as a condition of board certification. Concerned that the ACOG and ABOG policies violated freedom of conscience and non-discrimination laws, HHS issued the final interpretive rule in December 2008.
The new administration moved swiftly to begin the rescission process when President Obama took office. But, as Tabitha Hale points out, while the interpretation of conscience laws may change significantly under the Obama administration, it is highly unlikely that pro-life doctors will be forced to perform abortions any time soon.
And that just doesn’t sit well with Jacob Appel. He’s a storytelling bioethicist with a fever, and the only cure is more abortionists.
You may remember Jacob Appel from his recent call for an abortion pride movement. His latest lament is that the number of abortion providers has steadily decreased, and yet pro-life medical practitioners are still permitted to take up valuable slots in OB/GYN training programs. He proposes that medical programs help abortion providers increase their ranks by using a pro-choice litmus test to screen OB/GYN residency applicants.
Using religious and moral objections to abortion to bar qualified doctors from receiving training in obstetrics and gynecology is a clear violation of conscience protection laws, but Appel has an answer for that.
In the case of abortion, the current shortage of providers justifies a limited waiver of conscience exemptions as applied to the training of new OBGYNs. If we do not act, women may find themselves in a position similar to that of the criminal defendant who in theory has the legal right to counsel, but cannot find any lawyer willing to take her case.
Appel does not bother to address why a doctor who intends to specialize in geriatric gynecology, for example, would need to perform abortions. Â He also neglects to consider that pro-life doctors are not the only ones who refuse to terminate pregnancies. Indeed, there are many pro-choice physicians who are just as unwilling to provide abortion services.
But the greatest flaw in Appel’s argument is his contention that he is a champion of patient choice and access. Appel is only interested in ensuring choice and access for women seeking abortion doctors, not for women seeking doctors who respect their beliefs because they share them.
A woman should be able to choose a doctor whose moral compass points in the same direction as hers. Families should know that their doctor shares their values and will remain faithful to them, especially in a life or death situation. Revoking conscience protections would revoke patient choice, a violation that would offend more pro-choice liberals if they were, at the very least, concerned with being consistent.
Most liberal feminists would balk at receiving gynecological care from a dedicated pro-lifer. Shouldn’t pro-life women be able to choose a doctor who doesn’t engage in professional practices they find morally objectionable?
Appel’s essay is not a harmless, isolated intellectual exercise. His views are shared by many of the liberal feminist chatterati, including some in the medical community.
Dr. Julie Cantor, for instance, feels conscientious objection in medicine has gone awry, and that we, as a society, are far too tolerant of individual conscience. Like Appel, she believes that “physicians and other health care providers have an obligation to choose specialties that are not moral minefields for them. Qualms about abortion, sterilization, and birth control? Do not practice women’s health.” She feigns passionate support for putting patients’ interests first, but not so shockingly, that support does not extend to choosing a doctor one doesn’t consider an agent of death.
A doctor’s conscientious refusal to perform an abortion does not strip a patient of her constitutionally protected right to seek an abortion, not even if she has to get an advance on her paycheck and shimmy across the frozen tundra on her pregnant belly to reach the closest abortion provider.  The government is not your mom, your BFF, and your knight in shining armor all rolled into one convenient, omnipresent package.
There is, without a doubt, a demand for abortion providers in America. There is also a demand for doctors whose work is informed by a pro-life perspective on abortion, contraception, sterilization, and end-of-life decisions. It is not the government’s role to decide that one of these categories of professionals should be phased out because it is less valuable than the other.
When did it become acceptable to ask the government to facilitate the subordination of a pro-life patient’s dignity to a pro-choice patient’s dignity?
Seeking Clarity in the Abortion Debate
This weekend on Secular Right, John Derbyshire proposed pruning some of the language we use to frame the abortion debate:
Isn’t there any way to wean people off the silly, prissy, dishonest terminology of “pro-life” and “pro-choice”?  What’s wrong with “anti-abortion” and “pro-abortion”?  That’s what we’re talking about, isn’t it?
I sympathize with his frustrations about intellectual dishonesty in the abortion debate, and agree that semantic chicanery is rampant on both sides of the issue. However, the four terms in question – pro-life, pro-choice, pro-abortion, and anti-abortion – constitute a set of distinctly meaningful positions that are not necessarily mutually exclusive.
For example, in the absence of a belief in automatic ensoulment, can’t one be anti-abortion because the idea of snuffing out a potential life is offensive, but pro-choice in the recognition that medical professionals and clergy are better qualified than the government to help women and couples make family planning decisions?
I realize “pro-choice” and “pro-life” entered common parlance thanks to savvy pollsters engaged in propagandist wordplay, but they now serve a purpose in helping people define their viewpoints.  Positions on abortion are not binary and the language we have reflects that, so devising a simplified linguistic framework would actually impede clarity in the debate.
Finally, while I understand where John is coming from, trimming the language is a little Newspeakish for my taste, even if suppression of free discourse isn’t the intention. I think I like the Oldspeak just fine, warts and all.
Celebrating Intellectual Dishonesty in the Abortion Debate
Making the digital rounds this week is a Youtube clip of a precocious 12-year-old girl delivering her articulate defense of the pro-life position on abortion. Conservative bloggers immediately fell in love, not just with the content of the seventh grader’s argument, but how she passionately conveyed her perspective with eloquence and poise.
Allahpundit proclaims her destined for Hollywood, calling her “young talent in the service of a righteous cause.” Ace finds her a “very poised public speaker.” And Robert Stacy McCain rounds up a similar smattering of praise and awe from other right-leaning blogs.
Their assessment of her performance is spot on – set her up with Obama’s teleprompters and she’ll be a surefire hit on the stump – but what about the content of her message?
Don’t worry, I’m not going to subject a 12-year-old kid to a complete ideological fisking. I have great respect for faith-based arguments against abortion, many of which she presents impressively, but there are some examples of false and dated information in her speech that detract from her case.
Most notably, her speech includes the oft repeated, scientifically unsubstantiated myth that women are “at a greater risk of developing breast cancer if they have an abortion.” Experts at The American Cancer Society, the National Cancer Institute, and The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists agree that scientific evidence does not support a link between abortion and increased breast cancer risk. The speech also includes exaggerations about the impact of abortion on women’s mental health.
I suspect the child who delivered this heartfelt speech was not aware she was citing false data. But that doesn’t mean we should pass it around without comment and hold her up as a model to which all kids should aspire. She is already gifted in the art of persuasion, and she would see even greater success if her talking points were less deceptive.
There are few aspects of the abortion debate I find more distasteful than the intentional spread of misinformation by people on either side. When pro-life activists mislead women about the harmful effects of abortion as part of a fear mongering campaign, it is just as egregious as intentionally downplaying the risks of abortion.
Whichever side of the abortion debate you favor, no matter how impressive you find this girl’s oratory skills, intellectual honesty requires us to expose arguments based on falsehoods, particularly when those falsehoods pertain to medical information. The truth is important, even it if doesn’t support our political goals.
Too bad that belief precludes me from successfully running for elected office.
Bristol Palin and Her Family Can Emerge as Role Models
While the liberal smear machine is busy decrying Sarah Palin’s choice of jewelry and gleefully branding her a “patsy for the patriarchy,” her family is dealing with a very private matter. The AP is reporting that 17-year-old Bristol Palin is five months pregnant and will raise her child with the support of her family and soon-to-be husband, Levi.
A statement released by the campaign said that Bristol Palin will keep her baby and marry the child’s father. Bristol Palin is five months pregnant, and the baby is due in late December.
“Our beautiful daughter Bristol came to us with news that as parents we knew would make her grow up faster than we had ever planned. We’re proud of Bristol’s decision to have her baby and even prouder to become grandparents,” Sarah and Todd Palin said in the brief statement.
“Bristol and the young man she will marry are going to realize very quickly the difficulties of raising a child, which is why they will have the love and support of our entire family,” they added.
The Palins demonstrate, yet again, that abortion need not be the default choice for an unplanned pregnancy or the only response to an unexpected prenatal diagnosis. They are unapologetically anti-abortion, and they walk the walk. By providing Bristol with a supportive home environment, Sarah and Todd Palin ensured that their daughter could comfortably make a choice consistent with her values.
The Obamas teach their daughters that “if they make a mistake,” they “don’t want them punished with a baby.” The Palins teach their daughters that even in the face of an unmistakable challenge, they have their “unconditional love and support.”
Which family provides a better model to which American families can aspire?
Which family sends the message that it’s okay to choose childbirth over abortion, to view children as blessings and not burdens?
While I am pro-choice, I have nothing but admiration for families who make it possible for teens to choose to raise children that result from unplanned pregnancies. McCain campaign aides confirm that Bristol Palin made the choice to continue her pregnancy. Not enough girls feel such a choice is available.
Bristol Palin did not plan to subject herself to intense media scrutiny, and does not deserve the vile, inappropriate bile “progressive” blog commenters are already spewing. But now that she’s under the media microscope, Bristol is uniquely positioned to make a huge difference in the lives of young women in this country.
I hope that Bristol Palin chooses to travel with the McCain campaign, talking to other girls and families, and teaching the country that abortion statistics will only plummet when American families and communities follow the Palin example of love, support, and acceptance. Like her mother, I’m certain she’ll be able to balance public life and family, even in the face of constant criticism and appalling misogyny.